Ankara neutralised nearly two dozen YPG/PKK terrorists in northern Syria over the weekend, the latest in a series of strikes this year. The operations, aimed at dismantling terrorist strongholds, underscore Türkiye's demand for the YPG to disband and disarm, and for all PKK terrorists to leave Syrian territory.
Beyond Türkiye's immediate security concerns, the persistence of YPG/PKK activities poses a broader regional threat, destabilising Syria, undermining Iraqi sovereignty, and complicating US counterterrorism strategies. Thus, the case for a cohesive regional strategy against YPG/PKK terrorism is compelling.
Rebuilding Syria the right way
Armed groups operating autonomously from the Syrian army directly challenge Damascus’ sovereignty. Their entrenched presence hampers Syria’s ongoing military integration efforts, crucial for national stability post-conflict.
President of Syria’s Transitional Government Ahmed al Sharaa has already made clear that arms should not fall in the hands of any entity except the state, making the disarmament of PKK/YPG’s not just desirable but essential.
Recent developments are proof PKK/YPG terrorists are refusing to dial-down violent clashes in northern Syria. For instance, their continued presence has coincided with scores of bombings in Syria’s Manbij district, and a rising casualty count for months. This has challenged al Sharaa’s efforts to contain violence and reinforce state writ.
Omer Ozdemir, an assistant professor at Ibn Haldun University, told TRT World: “For Damascus, which wants to rebuild the army as well during the process of rebuilding the state, the existence of a military group independent of the army will be a factor that will undermine sovereignty.”
From where things stand, some risks to sovereignty are already apparent. The US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which includes PKK terror organisation's Syrian wing, exacerbates this challenge by resisting integration and seeking semi-autonomous military status.
This runs counter to Syria’s vision of a unified national army that is representative “for all Syrians.” In a welcome sign, over 70 Syrian armed factions appear likely to participate in the new administration. However, the presence of foreign terrorist fighters within PKK/YPG ranks would remain a major irritant to military cohesion, and could put Syria’s long-term stability at risk.
Given al Sharaa’s highly productive visit to Türkiye this week, both nations can enhance counterterrorism cooperation through joint mechanisms and real-time intelligence sharing with Iraq, suggested Ozdemir.
Such a move could mark a valuable addition to fraught negotiations between Damascus and YPG on disarmament. There is limited optimism over the negotiation process, and if Damascus and US-backed terrorists fail to strike an agreement, joint intelligence-sharing could offer an alternative counterterrorism pathway.
The reality is encouraging: Ankara successfully neutralised senior PKK/YPG terrorist Mahmut Agca in a recent intelligence-based operation in northern Syria, thus proving it has the capabilities and depth to significantly aid Syria’s counterterrorism gains against the PKK/YPG.
Washington’s stakes
For the United States, reassessing its support for the SDF aligns with both strategic interests and regional stability.
First, it would allow Washington to break free from the illusion that the SDF is key in preventing a Daesh resurgence. YPG/PKK’s activities in post-Assad Syria are a proof in point: the group sought to establish a terrorist corridor along Türkiye's borderlands, and has done little beyond guarding Daesh inmates in prison.
In contrast, tangible cooperation against Daesh has involved direct intelligence-sharing between Washington and Damascus. This was evident last month when early US intelligence warnings helped authorities avert an attack in the Syrian capital.
Türkiye, Iraq, Syria and Jordan have also held early discussions on combating Daesh, offer Washington new avenues to engage without the complications of YPG/PKK affiliations.
“By removing YPG-PKK from the equation, the US can choose to cooperate with its much stronger, long term NATO ally Türkiye in the war against Daesh,” said Serhat Suha Cubukcuoglu, head of the Turkey Program at TRENDS Research and Advisory. “That would be a tremendous step toward sawing the seeds of good-will and confidence building between Ankara and Washington.”
Iraq’s interests
For Baghdad, eradicating PKK elements is not merely a gesture of regional solidarity; it’s a national security necessity.
The PKK’s occupation of Sinjar undermines Iraq’s sovereignty and threatens the success of strategic projects like the Development Road initiative with Türkiye. Given the PKK’s decades-old terror attacks against Türkiye, having its hideouts on Iraqi soil effectively undermines confidence-building on counterterrorism. Baghdad has shown welcome intent by banning the PKK. But to bring Türkiye and Iraq’s joint combat capabilities out into the open, designating it as a terrorist organisation is critical.
“Cooperation with Türkiye on the PKK issue will be of great benefit to Iraq,” Cagatay Balci, a researcher at Ankara-based Center for Iranian Studies (IRAM), told TRT World. He highlighted Türkiye's ability to “militarily defeat the PKK” as a key asset in this endeavour.
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Addressing the PKK threat also enables Iraq to confront the broader network of terror links sustained through the Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK), which has historically allowed the PKK to operate from Iraqi territory. Mohammed Shia Al Sudani’s government has a critical opportunity to rectify past lapses and reinforce regional security architecture.
Ultimately, it is clear that Türkiye's legitimate security concerns regarding YPG/PKK terrorism align with the strategic interests of Washington, Damascus and Baghdad. A comprehensive regional strategy should prioritise enhanced intelligence sharing and unified counterterrorism operations that uproot PKK extensions without exception.
Regional stability depends on cohesive action, unwavering in the face of terrorism’s evolving landscape.